The Accusation Against IPOB: Is VDM Simply Clueless or Indirectly Hinting at His Sponsor's Script?

 The Accusation Against IPOB: Is VDM Simply Clueless or Indirectly Hinting at His Sponsor's Script?

In recent times, the blackmailing narrative of  Nigeria government against the Indigenous People of Biafra(IPOB) has become increasingly contentious, with various persons being mobilised to weigh in on the movement's legitimacy and motives. One such persons is a Nigerian social media celebrity VeryDarkMan(VDM), who has been in conversations for his malicious accusation against IPOB, claiming that the organization is destabilizing Southeast Nigeria.

However, a closer examination of his statement and body language while he spoke, raises questions about the motivations behind his claims and whether he is merely echoing a script written by unseen sponsors with vested interests in discrediting the Biafran freedom movement.

VDM's assertion about IPOB being a destabilizing force in the Southeast aligns closely with narratives often propagated by governmental authorities. This raises red flags and prompts an examination of whether his claims are truly his own or if they are part of a larger agenda designed to delegitimize a peaceful movement that seeks justice and self-determination for the Biafra Nation. The timing of such accusation, amidst ongoing tensions and political strife in the region, suggests that they may be strategically aimed at diverting attention from the real issues at hand. The agendists wants to manipulate the public into wrongly and ignorantly discussing about peaceful IPOB while they(the agendists) continue to perpetrate crimes in the region. 

It is worthy to note that IPOB have clarified severally with evidences that the chaos in Southeast Nigeria is not a product of the movement, but rather a result of government-sponsored provocateurs who aim to create discord and justify heavy-handed responses. Governor Hope Uzodimma also in one of his public addresses equally stated it clearly that the crimes being committed in his state in particular, are not committed by IPOB. But unfortunately, the Nigerian media and people like VDM cannot see those glaring vindications of IPOB because they are working on a dirty agenda. 

By accusing IPOB of destabilization, it shows that VDM is a pawn in the hands of those who wish to suppress dissent voices and maintain the status quo. This tells that his accusation is  not only a reflection of his hateful views, but he is simply a mouthpiece for a script designed to undermine the aspirations of the Biafran people.

In a society where narratives can be shaped by those in power, it is crucial for individuals to critically assess the motivations behind such public rant.

Furthermore, the implications of VDM's accusations extend beyond just his personal views; they resonate with a larger audience that may not fully understand the complexities of the IPOB movement. This can lead to misinformation. Let us state it clearly to all who may not know, that the Biafran struggle is rooted in historical grievances and a legitimate desire for autonomy through a legitimate process. So, reducing it to mere destabilization ignores the broader context of the struggle and diminishes the voices of those advocating for meaningful change. The spiteful statement of VDM is potentially scripted by the government towards impacting negatively on the discourse surrounding such a significant movement as IPOB. 

The government has bought over VDM, seeing how he is manipulating a large mass of the jobless Nigerian youths on social media, thinking that aligning him with the government narratives can alienate supporters of IPOB and those who advocate for the rights of the Biafran people.

The Biafran nation is not merely a political issue; it embodies a historical and cultural identity that many hold dear. By dismissing IPOB's efforts as mere destabilization, VDM tends to undermine the legitimate concerns of countless individuals who have faced marginalization and injustice. This dismissal not only perpetuates a harmful narrative but also distracts from the real issues that need to be addressed, such as economic disparities, security challenges, and the demand for self-determination. This is very wrong. 

Therefore, these social media celebrities and their likes should get civil in their reasoning and know that as the discourse around IPOB continues to evolve, it is crucial for all stakeholders—activists, influencers, and the general public—to engage in informed discussions rather than propagate government scripted rhetoric. 

As the Biafran nation continues the quest for self-determination, IPOB is focusing on the unity of all clans in the Biafran Nation, understanding, and advocacy for justice, rather than some cheap divisive rhetoric. The conversation around IPOB and her goals should prioritize the voices of those directly impacted by the movement and the historical context that shapes it. By fostering a more informed and respectful dialogue, we can move toward a future where the rights and aspirations of all are recognized and respected. So, it is crucial to challenge narratives that seek to diminish this struggle.

We must remain vigilant against misinformations coming from clueless and misguided voices of government agents as  VDM. We must stand united in the quest for a better tomorrow for the Biafran nation, and other entrapped ethnic nations in the British contraption, Nigeria.

Family Writers Press International

BREAKING: Nnamdi Kanu Insists On Recusal Of Binta Nyako From Case, As Court Fixes Proceedings Date

 BREAKING: Nnamdi Kanu Insists On Recusal Of Binta Nyako From Case, As Court Fixes Proceedings Date 

The incarcerated leader of the Indigenous People Of Biafra, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu has insisted that the recusal of the former presiding judge at the Nigerian federal high court, Justice Binta Nyako must be upheld as date for resumption of his legal tussle with the Nigerian government draws near. 

This was made known by his lead counsel, Barr Aloy Ejimakor on his X official handle after his routine visit on Wednesday, 22th January 2025. 

Recall that on 24th September 2024, amidst court proceedings the IPOB leader accused Justice Nyako of bias and prejudice, demanding her recusal from his case after 8 years of inconclusive precedence. The judge obliged and acknowledged the prayer of Mr Kanu, accepting to step down. 

However, the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, John Tsoho has been alleged of reassigning the case to Mrs Nyako even after her unanimous decision to withdraw from the case. 

Hence, the IPOB leader according to his recent publicized opinion through his legal representative maintains his grounds of appeal that the recusal of Mrs Nyako from his case should be upheld by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court. The IPOB leader also instructed his legal team to commence countervailing actions to ensure that the reassignment of the case to another Judge is upheld.

"Due to its constitutional implications, Onyendu instructed the legal team to take certain countervailing steps to ensure that his case is not handled by the same Justice Binta Murtala-Nyako who had withdrawn from the case by virtue of the order of recusal entered on 24th September 2024." 

The press statement allured that the reversion of the case to Justice Nyako's table would be a legal abberation and imply that the decision cementing the recusal order has been violated.

"The point was stressed that should the case still lie with Justice Murtala-Nyako, it would mean that the same court is disobeying an order that it made. We are therefore looking forward to going to court as long as another Judge of the Federal High Court is assigned to the case." 

Alternatively, the statement suggested the case being transferred to Eastern Nigeria (the homestead/region of the IPOB Leader) if the federal high Court has lost confidence in other judges on the bench at the federal capital territory, Abuja. 

"If no other Judge in Abuja is willing to handle the case, the Chief Judge is free to transfer the case to Umuahia, Awka, Enugu, Asaba, Port Harcourt or any other Federal High Court within the former Eastern Nigeria where the offenses were alleged to have happened or allegedly had impact," the statement concluded. 

Family Writers Press International.

Stay of Execution: When Justice Decides to Take a Nap

 Stay of Execution: When Justice Decides to Take a Nap

Let us break down this mystery called "stay of execution"and expose the Nigerian judiciary's knack for turning logic upside down. Shall we? 

Imagine a teacher in a classroom after an exam and subsequent suspicion that one of his student cheated during the exams after investigations concluded that he did and then announces, “Ugo, you did not cheat in the exam!  You are free to go home.” Just as Ugo grabs his bag to leave the staff room, another teacher barges in and declares, “Not so fast, Ugo! You will stay back until we are absolutely sure, the first teacher was too generous.” Ugo sits there, confused and frustrated and while the second obsessed teacher scampers all over the place looking for non-existent incriminating evidence against a student whom has been cleared of any malpractice or wrongdoing. 

This is exactly what the Nigerian judiciary has done to Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. After the Court of Appeal acquitted and discharged him, one would expect the next step to be simple: open the gates of captivity and let the man go.But no! The government, with the blessing of some rather deceptively creative judges, slapped on a "stay of execution," leaving conscious minds pondering helplessly and asking, “Where is this done?

Let's not pretend this is about justice anymore. In civilized countries, a stay of execution is used sparingly. It is meant to pause a decision temporarily in complex cases where acting too quickly could cause irreversible harm. For instance: 

- If a man is sentenced to death and new evidence comes up, you stay the execution to review the case.  

- If a house is set to be demolished, you stay the execution to ensure no one’s rights are trampled upon. 

But in Kanu’s case, the court said he’s innocent. Innocent! Unguilty as charged. What’s left to pause? Are they waiting for the sun to rise from the west? Or are they expecting the judgment to rewrite itself?   

The Nigerian judiciary operates like a palm wine tapper who climbs a tree only to cut it down while still on it. They delivered a judgment, only to block its implementation. What’s the point of wearing those flowing black robes if they’re going to treat their own laws and judicial pronouncements like a child’s toy?  

Justice Tsnami’s infamous order granting a stay of execution is a perfect example of how the law can be twisted to fit political agendas. The Appeal Court judges themselves said the government’s actions were reckless, illegal, and an abuse of power by the act of international terrorism for kidnapping and extraordinarily renditioning Mr Kanu from Kenya. Yet here we are  months later, still waiting for someone to wake up and enforce the judgment. 

This is the level of absurdity and judicial obscuriry we are forced to face in a country described most western pundits and statesmen as "the largest democracy in Africa". The judiciary, instead of being the defender of the people, has become a puppet show where strings are pulled by invisible hands.  

Mr Kanu’s recently offered N1 million to any law student who can find a precedent for his detention under the context of the "stay of execution" counter order. If Nigeria’s legal system were a student, it would fail this exam miserably. No law book anywhere supports keeping an already acquitted person in detention. But in Nigeria, common sense is not common, and the rule of law has been replaced with the rule of “wait and see.”  

Even the Constitution, the supposed supreme law of the land, has been reduced to mere decoration. Section 287(1) and (3), which mandates obedience to court orders, might as well be written on toilet paper. After all, in Nigeria, “the law is an ass” and the judiciary seems determined to ride it straight into the mud.  

  

The Nigerian judiciary is fast becoming a global comedy show. While Kanu sits in detention, the rest of us are left to wonder: Is justice still alive, or has it gone on indefinite leave? 

If this is how justice is served, then we’re all at the mercy of a system that values politics over principles and rule of law. And, those unfortunate enough to find themselves in Nigeria are doomed. 

In the words of an Igbo proverb: **“When the lizard nods its head, it isn’t always in agreement; sometimes it’s just mocking the one watching.”** Perhaps that is what the Nigerian judiciary is doing nodding at justice while laughing behind its back. However, if human-induced justice fails to discharge its duties, the rigid nature's justice system will,  and there shall be no manipulation of nature's justice. 

Family Writers Press International.

Insecurity: criminals, kidnappers, herdsmen disguise as IPOB/ESN – Security expert

 Insecurity: criminals, kidnappers, herdsmen disguise as IPOB/ESN  –  Security expert

MOST kidnapping incidents in the South East are carried out by bandits who cover the entire range of violent crimes, extort money from innocent citizens but pretend to have ties with the secessionists agitators, Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB and its military wing of Eastern Security Network, ESN, a research by experts from Nextier SPD has revealed.

The experts in an extensive research work also said that majority of those behind the insecurity in the South East have no commitment whatsoever to secession, rather their actions are all about profit from lucrative criminality.

Nextier SPD Policy in its weekly report said that though secessionist agitation exists in the South East, there are also gunmen attacks, banditry, group violence and kidnapping, adding that one group could carry out the entire set of activities.

To buttress this position, Nextier SPD noted that Fulani herder’s kidnappers are active in Enugu State, particularly the Enugu – Nsukka road, alleging that on January 9, 2025, the Fulani herders kidnapped three soldiers and more than thirty other passengers on the same road, in addition to several incidents in the preceding months of 2024.

The report was authored by Dr Ben Nwosu, an associate consultant at Nextier, senior research fellow at the Institute for Development Studies, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, and senior lecturer political science department, Nsukka campus and Dr Ndu Nwokolo, a managing partner at Nextier and honorary fellow at the School of Government at the University of Birmingham, UK.

Dr. Nwokolo is also a visiting research fellow at the Nathanson Centre on Transnational Human Rights, Crime, and Security at York University Canada.

In the report, titled, “Between Secessionism and Banditry in South East Nigeria,” the experts contended that “there are agitators who are committed to the course of exiting the country and working for it without engaging in criminal activities, there are criminal groups who find a convenient hiding within the secessionist struggle to engage in their activities.

“Most kidnapping incidents in the South East are carried out by bandits who cover the entire range of violent crimes, extort money from innocent citizens and have no commitment whatsoever to secession. To sum it all up, it’s about profit from lucrative criminality.”

They said that the common form of conflict which the South East region of Nigeria is associated with is secessionist agitation to restore the state of Biafra.

According to the report, “the agitators are aggressively assertive about the demand and have the Eastern Security Network (ESN) as their armed wing. However, they refute allegations of being violent agitators because, according to them, the ESN is for repelling violent Fulani herders that attack communities in the region.

“The common thinking in the South East is that the Fulani herders are responsible for all the attacks in rural communities in the forms of kidnapping, destruction of farm crops and creation of a general atmosphere of insecurity.

“This thinking appears to create a misconception about the actual state of insecurity in the South East. The blanket categorisation of most violent conflicts in the South East as secessionist-driven or that all kidnappings are Fulani-led are inaccurate.

“Approaching the solution from the prism of secessionist agitation or limited focus on the main actors in the kidnapping enterprise leads to a wrong definition of the problem and its sources. Therefore, the solution took its aims at something different from the main challenge that needs to be resolved.

“In trying to solve the security problem of the South East, what government forces contend with most times in the region is banditry, which entails robbery, forceful extortion, kidnapping for ransom (KFR), murder, arson and other forms of menace to private properties.

“At the peak of violent conflicts in the South East around 2021, the phenomenon of unknown gunmen that operated mainly in the South East became a common one in Nigeria’s security lexicon.

“The unknown gunmen are sophisticated gun criminals who are capable of very rapid sting attacks, with precision and mostly with automatic assault weapons, which they usually use to inflict fatal attacks.

“They attacked and killed several men of the armed services, especially police officers and occasionally soldiers. They also torched institutions of government.

“This period also witnessed the establishment of the operational cells of groups that purport to be the Biafran agitators. These purported agitators virtually set up operational bases in rural communities for nefarious activities.”

They quoted the Governor of Anambra State, Prof Charles Soludo, who said that hoodlums behind the attacks in the South East are criminals who have hijacked the Biafra struggle and hiding under the agitation to undertake lucrative criminality.

The governor said that the criminals engage in armed robbery, kidnapping and idolatry and justify their atrocities under the pretext of Biafra.

Continuing, Nextier SPD in the report said: “Hence, the security challenge of the South East, properly defined, is banditry. The perpetrators merely pretend to have ties with the Biafra struggle. In this edition of Nextier SPD Policy Weekly, we explore the complex intersection of secessionism and banditry in the South East of Nigeria to lay the background for a proper understanding of the genre of insecurity for a more appropriate security response. “

On the fusion of secessionism and banditry, the experts said that the incidence of attacks on rural communities and destruction of farmlands as well as rape and kidnapping by rogue pastoralists peaked around 2020.

They said, “Both the governments and security agencies appeared overwhelmed and helpless.

“The Eastern Security Network was launched by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) with the vow to protect the South East from the marauding herdsmen.

“The crises of that moment created a desperate situation in which anything that appeared like a solution was acceptable. The government’s ineffectiveness and brazenness of the violent herdsmen made the problem worse. Therefore, IPOB’s ESN appeared messianic.

“However, their emergence and the prior use of force by the IPOB to enforce their order in the region created an atmosphere in which any person or group with arms could operate freely under the guise of the Biafran struggle.

“Therefore, like the rapid proliferation of killer toxic cells, armed gangs multiplied their cells and began to carry out banditry with impunity while bearing the cover of agitators.

“Note that before the proliferation of armed herders’ attacks and kidnapping, dangerous criminal gangs had, from time to time, operated in different parts of the South East. For instance, the late Okwudili Ndiwe, aka Derico nwa mama, Chiejina, who is also deceased, and Jonathan Uzoigwe were young kingpins that terrorised Anambra State around the year 2000.

“These young men engaged in armed robbery as well as operated criminal gangs that robbed and brought returns to them. The same is true of one dreaded Abia kingpin, Mr Obioma Nwankwo alias Osisika nkwu.

“He partitioned Abia State among his men while assuming central control. They terrorised Abia with armed robbery and kidnapping for ransom. Indeed, when he was killed in 2010 in an ambush by the Military Task Force operating in Abia State at the time, thirteen kidnap victims were rescued from his den in the bush.

“From time to time, this form of gangs exist in the South East due to poor security planning in the region. They hibernate when security improves and reappears under favourable conditions. Often, they avoid areas with strong self-help security arrangements like vigilantes and thrive in more permissible environments or other vulnerable states of the region.

“Therefore, when secessionist agitation cells started, they replicated it, adopted the insignia of Biafran struggles and exploited the atmosphere of tension to unleash mayhem on the citizens of the region.

“The point being made is that these are primarily bandits. Thus, there is both active Igbo participation in kidnappings in the South East and Fulani herders component. Indeed, whichever community where the bandits have a camp, there must be a local collaborator.

“An eye-witness account of a survivor of a kidnap revealed gory details of the reckless murder of those who could not meet the payment of ransom demands of the kidnapping gang of Igbo young men, with the operational base at a rural Urum community near Awka in Anambra State.

“According to the source, the kidnappers slaughter people and sell their vital organs while dumping the other parts in a well within their enclave. Painfully, they receive ransom payments in several millions for each abductee, carry heavy arms and operate with impunity.

“At the same time, law enforcement authorities are afraid to engage them because they are not confident in their firepower and, in most cases, do not have the technology to track the criminals.

“In addition to the Anambra experience, a pocket of abductions takes place inside urban communities in Enugu State. Small intra-city mini buses, disguised as commercial vehicles, are used to pick up victims.

“In two different instances, health workers who joined such buses to go home after work ended up in the kidnapper’s den (Interview 1, Personal Communication, January 6, 2025).

“The herder’s kidnappers are equally active in Enugu State, particularly the Enugu – Nsukka road. On January 9, 2025, herders kidnapped three soldiers and more than thirty other passengers on the same road, in addition to several incidents in the preceding months of 2024.

“Hence, kidnapping by bandit herders has rendered the road a troubled axis despite being the easiest functional connection from Enugu through Nsukka to the northern part of the country.

“Secessionism, banditry, gunmen attacks and kidnapping are tangled in the South East because one may not easily isolate which of them has happened in every instance of a violent crime, especially as kidnappers are also violent bandits who, as convenience permits, lay claim to secessionist agitation.

“Therefore, when unknown gunmen attack and kill security personnel and engage in stealing or kidnapping, distinguishing them from any other agitator becomes difficult.

“Recent Joint Task Force Military Operation Udoka had discovered and destroyed camps belonging to such groups in Lilu and Enugwu Umuonyia towns in Anambra State, Ohafia in Abia state, as well as carried out rescue operations in Ajalli and Aguleri in Anambra State, Orlu in Imo State and Umuahia, Abia State capital and confirmed that the groups use these camps for kidnapping activities and extraction of ransom, yet they act as Biafran agitators.

“Two factors make these bandits operate freely in these rural communities. The first is that residents of such communities are at risk of death at the slightest suspicion of the report against the bandits. Second, they assume control of such communities and insist on being the ones to grant permissions for social events.

“Often, they insist that the host must not use formal security men. It was the refusal to conform with such order that seven persons, including police officers, were shot at Ihiala LGA of Anambra State on December 30, 2024. Third, the authorities do not respond to the security needs of the people.

“Therefore, they resign to their fate rather than confront the gang and be killed. Most importantly, an association of Biafra with the activity of any group easily makes the Igbo sentimental. The bandits understand this logic and combine it with threats to hamper intelligence gathering to prolong their survival.”

In its recommendations, Nextier SPD Policy Weekly submitted: “Based on the foregoing, the government at the federal and subnational levels should critically re-evaluate their engagement with insecurity in the South East by doing the following:

“Revisit their understanding and classification of security challenges in the South East to properly situate banditry, armed robbery, group violence and secession. By focusing a lot of firepower on secession, enough attention is not given to banditry, and this enables it to thrive.

“The government should embark on confidence-building measures and create safe spaces to support information gathering in order to engage more in intelligence-based operations.

“Reclassifying security operations as efforts to eliminate banditry and its associated kidnapping will eliminate any sentiment or sympathy that people may have for Biafra in the affected communities because they will now understand the bandits for what they are. Raising this consciousness is important to achieving the aim of community support.

“Communities should be encouraged to quietly release information on the local collaborators with bandits for arrests and furtherance of other security actions in the various camps.

“The dearth of modern equipment, arms, and protection for security forces should be addressed through enhanced procurement and the establishment of mechanisms for the proper audit of the security procurement budget.”

It advised the Nigerian government to revisit its understanding of and classification of security challenges in the South East and to embark on confidence-building measures and create safe spaces to support information gathering in order to engage more in intelligence-based operations.

It further stated that there is a need to reclassify banditry and its associated kidnapping for clarity of purpose, a need to encourage cooperation with communities towards the release of information on the local collaborators with bandits for arrests and furtherance of other security actions.

“It is important to address the shortage of modern equipment, arms, and protection for security forces,” it added.

The Ridiculous Stay of Execution, A Travesty Staring Nigeria Judiciary In The Face

  The Ridiculous Stay of Execution, A Travesty Staring Nigeria Judiciary In The Face

In the ongoing saga of Nnamdi Kanu's legal tussle with the Nigerian government, the Nigerian judiciary seems to have discovered a new twist in the legal lexicon, the elusive "stay of execution." This legal maneuver, normally reserved for ensuring fairness in judicial proceedings, has taken on a curious new form in Kanu's case – one that seems more like a tragicomedy than a legal principle.

Picture this. Nnamdi Kanu the enigmatic leader of the IPOB movement, offers a reward of One million Naira to any law student who can unearth a precedent where a Nigerian judge granted a stay of execution to someone acquitted and discharged of all charges. It is a bit like searching for a unicorn in a field of legal briefs – mythical and elusive.

The Court of Appeal's decision to grant a stay of execution after acquitting Kanu of terrorism charges has left legal pundits scratching their heads. It is as if the judiciary decided to play a game of legal hide-and-seek, with Kanu stuck in the middle, wondering if he will ever see the light of day outside DSS gulag.      

       

Meanwhile, Kanu's legal team, led by Barrister Aloy Ejimakor, fires back with righteous indignation, arguing that the stay of execution is not just a legal maneuver but a slapstick comedy of errors. They accuse the government of engaging in "Executive recklessness," a term that sounds more fitting for a sitcom plot than a legal brief.

In the courtroom drama that unfolds, the Supreme Court finds itself cast as the ultimate arbiter of this legal circus, tasked with untangling the web of judicial acrobatics. Will they uphold justice, or will they continue this theatrical performance of legal semantics?

As Kanu remains in custody, purportedly for "jumping bail," one wonders if the Nigerian judiciary's playbook includes chapters on irony and absurdity. After all, in a country where court orders are treated as mere suggestions, Kanu's case stands out as a masterclass in a legal farce.

In the end, as Kanu's legal tussle continues to unfold, one thing is certain: the Nigerian judiciary might just win an award for the most creative interpretation of legal terms. Stay tuned for the next episode of "Justice Delayed, Justice Denied – Nigerian Edition,"

Family Writers Press International.

For Biafra To Succeed, Godfatherism And Gangsterism Must Be Expelled

 For Biafra To Succeed, God-fatherism And Gang-sterism Must Be Expelled 

The struggle for Biafra is a movement fueled by the collective aspirations of a people long subjected to oppression, marginalization, and systematic erasure. It is a sacred mission that demands unity, transparency, and accountability. Yet, like termites gnawing at the root of a mighty iroko tree, the twin evils of gangsterism and godfatherism have emerged as threats capable of undermining the very foundation of this struggle.  

In recent times, a dangerous precedent has reared its ugly head and it is the tendency for decisions regarding Biafra to be made unilaterally or influenced by a few, often bypassing the collective interests of the Biafran people or undermining its ordained leadership authority. This is not only a betrayal of the struggle but a violation of the guiding principles that the movement stands for.  

Gangsterism, in this context, is the imposition of personal or factional interests on a movement meant to serve millions. It is a trait that encourages intimidation, deceit, and manipulation, all in the name of preserving power or influence. Such behavior erodes trust, weakens solidarity, and creates an environment where loyalty to the cause is replaced by allegiance to individuals or cliques.  

The Biafra struggle cannot afford to be hijacked by gangster-like tactics. This movement is too important, too sacred, to be reduced to a game of power plays and personal vendettas. Biafra represents hope, freedom, and justice for an entire people. Allowing gangsterism to fester is akin to poisoning the well from which we all must drink.  

Equally dangerous is the rise of godfatherism a system where a few self-appointed "kingmakers" wield disproportionate influence over decisions that should represent the collective will of the people. Godfatherism is the antithesis of democracy and while the IPOB movement currently does not wholly run on democratic principles, it however has an impeccable decentralized, institutionalized leadership thus incompromisable. 

However, in the Biafra struggle  godfatherism manifests in the form of secret dealings, unilateral decisions, and the elevation of individuals above the collective. This behavior not only alienates supporters but also provides ammunition to the oppressors who seek to discredit and weaken the movement.  

The strength of the Biafra struggle lies in its collective nature. Decisions affecting millions of Biafrans must be made by a body that genuinely represents the collective interests of the people. This body, whether it is the Directorate of State (DOS) or another structure, must operate with transparency, accountability, and a commitment to the principles of the struggle.  

No individual or group of individuals should have the power to impose decisions on the movement. This is not a personal estate, nor is it a platform for self-enrichment or political maneuvering. The Biafra struggle belongs to the people, and their voices must guide its direction.  

It is time to address the root causes of gangsterism and godfatherism within the struggle. IPOB must implement strict measures to ensure accountability and prevent the concentration of power in the hands of a few. This includes institutionalizing decision-making processes to ensure inclusivity, promoting transparency in all dealings, and encouraging the active participation of all Biafrans in the movement.  

History has shown that movements that allow internal corruption, favoritism, and autocracy to flourish are doomed to fail. The Biafra struggle cannot afford to repeat the mistakes of the past. This is a defining moment—an opportunity to reaffirm the principles that have kept the movement alive despite decades of persecution and sabotage.  

To those who seek to exploit the struggle for personal gain, let it be known that the Biafra struggle and the IPOB movement is bigger than any individual. As the Igbo adage goes, “Eze onye agwanam ga-ama ikpe ọnụ n'ala" —a king who refuses counsel will end up disgraced. Saboteurs, beware: your actions will not go unnoticed, nor will they be forgiven by the people whose dreams you aim to jeopardize.  

The Biafra struggle is a beacon of hope for millions. It is a reminder that even in the face of adversity, a people united can achieve the impossible. To preserve this spirit, we must rid the movement of gangsterism and godfatherism. And protect the institutionalized authority of the IPOB movement, defend its founding and guiding principles without prejudice or sentiments. 

Let us remember that the fight for Biafra is not just about territory or politics—it is about the restoration of our cultural value systems which simplifies that no man can take the people for ride and the Biafra people followership is not inspired by asslicking rather respect and regard for substantial sacrifice towards the protection of the people's interests. The love and followership of Ndigbo towards any individual stems from the above mentioned. 

The IPOB Leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu established IPOB movement and has worked tirelessly and paid the ultimate price to cement its idealogy but most importantly the institution. Knowing fully well that the survival of the struggle depends on these two things: the idealogy and the institution that would strengthen, nourish and protect it. Not individuals whom are expendable. 

On this premises, must we anchor that the restoration of this highly sorted "Biafra Republic" – emphasis on this -  depends on the ability of the people not necessarily those in leadership but the ordinary masses and lovers of freedom to defend the established institutions both from external attacks and internal undermination. 

Biafra is a sacred mission, and it demands nothing less than our utmost integrity, unity, and dedication. Together, we shall overcome.  

Family Writers Press International