By Russell Idatoru Bluejack
JULY 1, 2017
Restructuring and secession are two windows
open to those who see themselves as victims of a dysfunctional political
economy such as Nigeria. Nigeria has existed as a "nation" since 1914
and as an "independent" geographical enclave since 1960 (the emphasis
on indepedent and nation is deliberate). This work is primarily about the
weakness of the federalists' clamour, for it is my take that what they want is
not novel. I am optimistic that this expository will drive the final death
knell into the call for restructuring. Restructuring is either whole or part.
Nigeria, unlike other nations, has never had a brush with holistic
restructuring. But what is restructuring?
DEMYSTIFYING RESTRUCTURING
Restructuring refers to the reorganization
of the structure of a nation. If the reorganization is total, it is called TRUE
FEDERALISM; if it is in part, it is called FISCAL FEDERALISM. True federalism
refers to political and economic power sharing between the State and its
federating units (states). It covers issues of self-governance (security),
autonomous management of resources, limits of State interference etc. In a true
federal enclave, federating units exist as independent entities with minimal
appendage to the State e.g. the United States of America where each state has
its own police force.
Fiscal federalism, on the other hand, is
part of a broader public finance discipline. It is the brainchild of a
German-born American, Richard Musgrave, that deals with divisions of
governmental functions and financial relations among levels of government. It
was propounded in 1959 and has since guided the political administration
policies of nations. The concept has come down to us in Africa, especially
aggrieved federating units in Nigeria (Niger Delta Region) as RESOURCE CONTROL,
which is a clear case of its misconstruance. I just wonder how many federalists
know that resource control is just a part of fiscal federalism, which is itself
a part of true federalism. But is the clamour for fiscal federalism new to
Nigeria? Has Nigeria been restructured before? I crave your indulgence as I do
justice to the questions above.
THE HISTORY OF RESTRUCTURING IN NIGERIA
Federalists cannot in good conscience deny
that the present structure of the economy and political structure of Nigeria is
a fallout of past attempts to attain restructuring. Matter-of-factly, what we
refer to as Nigeria is a badly restructured Lugard's contraption. Revenue
sharing has always been the forte of every attempt at restructuring Nigeria in
the past and does seem to be the kernel of federalist call today. Let me take
you down memory lane.
In 1946, Hick-Phillipson Commission awarded
46% of revenues to the North, 30% to the West, and 24% to the East (South-East
and South-South). Chicks Commission of 1953 did more work on revenue sharing by
clearly differentiating between import and export duties and how they are to be
shared.
In 1958, Sir Jeremy Raisman's Commission
introduced Distributable Pools Account (DPA) and included POPULATION as a
determinant for revenue sharing, meaning regions were to be considered on the
basis of their population. I am sure you know why this was done. Binns Fiscal
Commission, 1964, recognized the DPA, which is now what we refer to as National
Coffers/State Treasury.
The creation of states in 1967 gave birth
to Decree 15, a military declaration that population be seriously considered in
the East, but that what pertains to the North be shared equally among the six
states. You can see the unequal administration here. Dina Commission, 1968,
introduced the OFFSHORE/ONSHORE dichotomy and enabled Decree 6 of 1975 to hold
back revenue accruing from onshore mining rents and royalties (about 20%).
Prof. Ayobade, under the 1977 military
junta, headed a CDC that included local government in the revenue sharing
principle: 60% for federal, 30% for states, and 10% for local governments. The
Revenue Allocation Act, Number 1, 1981 adopted the submission of Pius Okigbo's
Commission, to wit: 58.5% to federal, 31.5% to states, and 10% to local
governments.
IBB's National Revenue Mobilization and
Fiscal Commission (NRMAFC), 1989 vested the power to allocate vertical
allocation formula on the National Assembly and considered equality of states,
population, internal revenue effort, and social development factor as indices of
revenue allocation, which remains one of the best. It is one reason why IBB was
called a uniformed political maestro.
We can see that each of these commissions
embodies an attempt by colonial and post-colonial Nigeria to achieve
restructuring.
Source: Niger Delta: The Economic Life of
Nigeria
THE FOLLY OF FEDERALISTS
Having seen that each attempt at
restructuring Nigeria created a new problem that formed the basis for further
attempts, one wonders why federalists want us to embark on such journey to no definite
destination. What stops our federalists from thinking outside the box? Let me
remind everyone clamouring for restructuring that Obasanjo-led Revenue
Committee rejected call for upward review of the 13% DERIVATIVE PRINCIPLE. He,
Obasanjo, went ahead to obtain a landmark judgment from the Supreme Court,
which legally (though immorally) excluded offshore from the said principle.
Where were these noisy federalists when that happened?
Furthermore, moves by the then Acting
President, Prof. Osinbajo, to relocate oil company headquarters to the source
of their raw material was repelled by the legislature. Where were our
federalists? Did they react?
Another sad development, one I had to write
about, occurred when a Bill seeking the establishment of a financial scheme
that would recompense the South-East Region for the damage done it by the Civil
War, was rejected by the legislature. What was the reaction of our federalists?
What did IBB, the governors, and even Atiku say when that South-East
Development Commission Bill was impugned and speedily rejected? Where were all
these governors calling for restructuring in their desperate bid to escape
Biafra?
Those clamouring for restructuring should
know that their call is belated, since Abdusallami used his one year transition
government to give the North what they could not get in 1966. The North had
always wanted to dominate the legislature. The death of both Abiola and Abacha
left Nigerians dazed and blind to what Abdusallami did for the North. They now
enjoy more federal constituencies. I just wonder how these federalists want to
surmount the towering population of the Nay-sayers in the National Assembly. I
enjoin you to ask any federalism crusader the following questions:
1) Why are you afraid of secession?
2) How do you intend to push your Bill
through a legislature peopled by those against restructuring?
3) Now that governors and some northerners
are singing your song, is there any difference between you and politicians?
4) What do you really want? Is it the progress
of Nigeria or your selfish goal?
5) If you truly need the progress and
development of Nigeria devoid of ulterior motive, how come you are not giving
other self-determinist movement a chance? In other words, why do you keep
insisting that yours is the best?
6) Seeing that several attempts at
restructuring did not go well in the past, what do you wish to do differently
this time?
7) If you really desire to change Nigeria
for good, why not join others that have gone far?
CONCLUSION
It is my humble and unalloyed submission
that most of the federalists you see are ignorant and unprepared for the task
ahead. Seeing that governors and former presidents have joined the fray, one
can authoritatively say that federalists have become mercenaries hired by those
who see secession as an incubus. The fear of Biafra is responsible for the
loudness that has characterized the once quiet federalist movement. Today,
Nigerians that are given to Fulani conquest and western negative propaganda see
restructuring as the elusive escapism from a reverberating and luxuriating
agitation for the restoration. Restructuring has become the place where
compomised Nigerians ensconce themselves. Take it or leave it, those who truly
understand and crave restructuring are less than 15% of the crowd. Most of the
few federalists have moved to the other side. Are you not shocked that some
Niger Deltans leave their northern predators to attack the Igbo? That is what
you see from a conquered people. For some Niger Deltans, the predator is a
friend while the Igbo, with whom they share similar culture and religion, are
foes.
I still sleep every night in expectation of
that night that will draw the curtains on Nigeria. I await the morning when
sunlight from the Land of the Rising Sun will make me squint my eyes and heave
a sigh of relief. Home sweet home, as ersatz (fake) federalists sprout like a
plant here and there, my spirit man tells me you are close. If you were not,
then explain the incidence of politicians turning activists overnight. O
Biafra, how enemies of an egalitarian society fear thee. Come quickly, my
precious home. Come and absorb me and my compatriots so that our thirsty souls
can calm down. We yearn for thee. We await thee. Freedom from a related
generation of lies is what we all need. WE NEED BIAFRA.
God bless Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. God bless IPOB.
God bless you all, my beloved Biafra family. God bless the writer.
Restructuring, we vehemently reject thee
Referendum, we passionately long for thee.
Russell Idatoru Bluejack is a thinker,
revolutionary writer, university tutor, and socio-economic and political
analyst that writes from Port Harcourt
Great ! What an incisive exposition. Kudos to you my brother, Russell Idatoru Blueback.
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